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WHAT'S TRADE GOT TO DO WITH IT? MEDICAID, PREFERRED DRUG LISTS, AND US TRADE POLICY
Sharon Treat, Legal Project Director In the midst of this recession, states from arizona to
Minnesota to Virginia have announced dramatic cuts to
health care and prescription drug coverage. The federal
government has responded with recovery funds, enhancing federal payments for Medicaid and waiving payments related
to the Medicare Part D “clawback.” Yet at the same time, the Office of the United States Trade
Representative (USTR) is articulating a policy direction that
could endanger the future viability of Medicaid prescription
drug coverage by limiting the use of preferred drug lists to
negotiate rebates. State policy makers need to get educated
about trade policy and make their voices heard. If they don’t,
these trade initiatives could directly and negatively affect the
capacity of states to provide medicines to their residents and
cripple states’ ability to expand access to health care in the
future. In early March, the USTR held a hearing to receive comments
on its annual report on intellectual property, which
identifies countries that lack adequate patent protection or
“deny fair and equitable market access to United States persons
that rely upon intellectual property protection.” For the
first time, states were represented and provided testimony at
a trade policy hearing. The Forum on Democracy and Trade,
a nonpartisan public policy organization whose mission is to
support public officials engaged in global trade debates, and
the states of Vermont and Maine provided testimony. American University law professor Sean Fiis-Flynn, representing
the Forum, explained the states’ interest: “Patents on
medicines can create a particularly strong form of monopoly
leading to extraordinarily high prices. This is because medicines
can be basic life necessities that few will do without and
because many purchasers are insulated from actual costs by
insurance.” Fiis-Flynn noted that state governments “use a wide variety
of regulatory tools and policies to restrain excessive pricing by
medicine suppliers.” He added that “these are often the same
tools used by foreign governments that the USTR describes as
‘unreasonable’ in the ‘Special 301’ Report* and has sought to
restrict or eliminate in recent trade agreements.” Nowhere is the use of these tools more widespread than in
the states’ implementation of Medicaid, the joint state/federal
program that provides a comprehensive health insurance
safety net to 60 million poor and disabled Americans. Medicaid
costs topped $350 billion in 2008; it is the single largest
state government expenditure after education. A key component of Medicaid is the use of preferred drug
lists (PDLs). The idea is simple—the best drugs should be
preferred, and costs should be in line with effectiveness, not
market power. More than 40 states use PDLs for Medicaid and other programs, including state-funded prescription
drug benefits for the elderly that “wrap around” Medicare
Part D and discount drug programs for the non-elderly who
do not qualify for Medicaid but who lack insurance with pharmaceutical coverage. PDLs really work. Iowa saved $100 million between 2005
and 2009 through its PDL—last year saving 34.7% of its total
drug budget. Oregon reports saving 40% per prescription in
2009 due to greater generic uptake resulting from its use of
a PDL. According to the January 2003 annual report of the Office of Vermont Health Access, spending on acid reducers,
anti-inflammatory drugs, and opiate analgesics dropped from
$15.8 million to $12 million within eight months of introducing
the Medicaid PDL. In Maine, negotiating supplemental
rebates and purchasing drugs through a multistate initiative results in an average drug price that is 50 % of the average wholesale price. Alarmingly, the USTR’s 2009 “Special 301” Report raised concerns about “price controls and regulatory and other
barriers [that] can discourage the development of new
drugs” and singled out Japan, Canada, France, Germany, New Zealand, Taiwan, and Poland for administering “unreasonable
. . . reference pricing or other potentially unfair
reimbursement policies.” These are the very same countries
that many states have looked to in adopting their own policies
and programs to rein in drug prices. Without access to these tools, states would simply be unable
to provide comprehensive access to medicines in their
Medicaid and other health insurance programs. Pharmaceutical
costs can account for 10 to 25 percent of the cost of these
programs, even with the rebates and pricing tools currently
available, and states are already struggling to continue the
programs they fund right now. The Obama Administration has embraced health reform
in partnership with the states, with a nod to the
best evidence-based practices the states have pioneered.
Preferred drug lists are a best practice that illustrates the
approach the Administration is seeking to replicate in its
national health reform initiative. Indeed, the President’s
budget for 2008 specifically noted that Medicaid allows
states “to use [such] private sector management techniques
to leverage greater discounts through negotiations with drug
manufacturers.” Yet the USTR’s efforts to promote new international standards
limiting domestic
medicine pricing regulations
will significantly
increase the cost of public
health programs and
limit the use of evidencebased
tools here in the
US—and harm efforts to
extend health insurance to all Americans. Trade policy may appear esoteric and complicated. Few
states are truly engaged in understanding how trade agreements
are developed and how these agreements affect state
policy. What state policymakers don’t know could hurt
them—they need to learn about trade policy and get involved
so that international agreements do not undermine medical
care and access in the US.
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